Bharat Rising : A tale of Dharmik & Diplomatic revivalism in the last one decade

Author concludes this last chapter by giving several crucial verities which are followed by Notes and References.

The Narrative World    16-Dec-2024   
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One can’t agree more when Sydney situated sociology professor ---- Salvatore Babones ----- refer this book as ‘By far the best of the dozens of “New India” books’.

It is considered extremely feasible and manageable for a journalist, especially a dedicated and learned one, to have all the knowledge, encompassing almost all disciplines; but having all knowledge with the correct lens is unusual to find and that’s where renowned journalist and author of this book ‘Bharat Rising’, Utpal Kumar, Opinion editor at Firstpost and News18, takes heroic entry in the hearts of book lovers and erudites.


Minister of Petroleum and Natural gas Hardeep Singh Puri describes accurately about this book in the foreword that – “Even as the author delves deeply into various aspects of Indian politics and diplomacy, Bharat Rising finds its stride in its critique of the Left – Liberal mores that led to the erosion of India’s civilizational values after Independence and left in its wake a meek and slavish mentality in its people.”


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At the beginning itself, the author wants readers’ attention on the fact that if people of India had gained political independence in 1947 and economical in 1991 (because of LPG and other economic reforms) , only after 2014 they were able to accomplish civilizational independence.


After distancing oneself entirely from Bhure Sahebs elite group, formed in the post independence era, as well as nation and self deteriorating phase of ideological subversion, civilizational independence can prevail and prosper ; and as per author, that’s exactly what Prime Minister Narendra Modi had done resolute from the very beginning of his political career and specifically after holding the office as Prime Minister.


While upholding the ethos of Dharma one can drive the country in the ‘right’ direction as Kumar emphasized this fact by categorising his thoughts in two frames starting with Dharma. The two frames are Dharma and Democracy & Democracy and Diplomacy.


“Kumar begins the first chapter named as ‘From Ayodhya to Kashi : A Historical Awakening’ as an analysis of temple revivalism & restoration by Modi government and how that plays a pivotal role in historical --- dharmic awakening among Hindu masses. Author – journalist, VS Naipaul in an interview with TOI, saw Ram Mandir movement ‘a new historical awakening’ while not associating it with Hindu fundamentalism, as most liberals do! He also delves into the fact that Nehru had malice and abhorrence for Hindus and their temples.”


Then author goes on to delineate several rejuvenation projects’ details from Ayodhya’s Ram Mandir to Kashi Vishwanath corridor to Mahakaleshwar temple in Ujjain to statue of Adi Shankaracharya at Kedarnath to Lord Hanuman statue in Gujrat’s Morbi, while simultaneously throwing light on the horrifying history of first two projects and then he wisely encompasses the leftist bias of history writing which, according to author (which can be easily observed also) follow only ‘maybe, perhaps, probably, mostly, therefore methodology’. Kumar deconstructs the writings of a (dis)reputable distorian in a subtle way by giving several authentic references. Here, he targets the most discussed tool and its operator of Indian leftist history.


In the next chapter, New India : Going Back to its Civilizational Roots, Kumar firmly mentions how not all the leaders of post independent era but solely the chacha lobby wanted secularism as their prominent agenda to be run in the veins of not only the top officials – politicians but also in the veins of countrymen. Here, the author throws light on the, arrogant, biased, abhorrent approach (for nation lovers particularly for RSS, as most congressis have), stubborness, self obsession & the vital one; obsession for holding the ‘chair’ of none other than, Nehru ‘Chacha’ by giving certain instances, in which the flabbergasting one was his encounter with sadhus. Contradictory to this, placing Sengol at the new parliament by our honourable Prime Minister, against all odds, feels like a civilizational revolution.


Issues of rapid and alarming demographic change, menace of harmful ideologies and religious warfare have been addressed with unheard facts in the third chapter — Silent warfare : Ideological, Demographic, Religious. Readers would find it courageous when the author raises questions like ‘Why the mainstream intellectuals in the west and in India carry one yardstick for Hindus and another for Abrahamic ones ?’


However the answer to this question is obvious – colonial effect (described by author) – and more pertaining to common man rather than to mainstream intellectuals (as I believe), one can feel the need to mention the funding motive for embracing this deliberate biasness for these two sections — Hindus & Abrahamic — by the Leftists. Explaining how Balakot is a centre of Jihad with the reference of Ayesha Jalal’s book and then linking it to 2019 surgical strikes under modi government in balakot as a response to Pulwama attack is a sharp move of the author. Resolutely describing the innate nature and subtle aspects (yet loud for those who are well acquainted with the peaceful community) of Muslims’ disposition is the best part of this book.


Kumar, in the fourth chapter, describes the intense opposition to Hindu Code Bill by various parliament members especially by Acahrya JB Kriplani, while simultaneously describing Nehru’s ‘great courage’ to get the bill passed. Even during that time, the author says, the reformist approach was solely confined to Hindus but not any other ‘peaceful’ and ‘harmonious’ community, the futile logic given behind this approach that the latter is not ready for any reforms because of post – partition trauma and now the same logic is being used for implementing UCC in the country.


Author highlights the fact, while referring to Anand Rangnathan’s book ‘Hindus in Hindu Rashtra’, that governments of 10 states controls more than 1,10,000 temples and simultaneously refers to Sai Deepak’s ‘India that is Bharat’, how the followers of Sanatan Dharma have been perpetually targeted in legislative sphere by considering the ‘fact’ that only they are corrupt and backward. Here the author attacks the age-old typical colonial mentality that traces its roots to the times of the first ‘elected prime minister’.


Targeting Brahmans for no reason while selectively shading the atrocities faced by the very same community, is the all time favourite deed of the left – liberal lobby. Along with this ; shading the atrocities faced by Dalit community perpetrated by any community — other than Brahman— is another favourite hobby.


Kumar takes up this vital issue in his fifth chapter. Well, talking about the anti – brahmanism approach and not mentioning the (dis)reputable thinker Periyar is a great disrespect to his ‘noble’ thoughts, so the author throws light on the ‘noble’ thoughts of Periyar by quoting his statement — “A few of us have to die. If one Tamilian dies for one Brahmin, only three of us will die out of every hundred. 94 per cent of as will still remain. But they will be completely eliminated. We will definitely go to that level." On one hand Kumar speakes of irony of atrocities against Brahmans remained one of the best kept secrets in ‘independent india’ while on the other he talks in length about the hidden & unknown Marichjhapi genocide of dalit community, perpetrated by Jyoti Basu of CPI.


Ambedkar, Bose and Savarkar are the three great men and victims of the aversion of Nehru. His antagonism towards these three scholars is as clear as a mirror and this is what the 6th chapter contains.


Author moves further from dharma and democracy to democracy and diplomacy. In the seventh chapter, Kumar asserts the fact that India has adopted assertive and offensive diplomacy in the last ten years unlike in the post independence era. India under Nehru, highly influenced by the Soviet Union, was far away from practical and achievable goals in international relations and politics. He discerned the approaches adopted by Nehru and the present government in the matters of foreign affairs. Although the author praises the new assertive policy by talking about G20, Quad, SCO summits and India’s stand on Russia – Ukraine war, he also highlights that there is a long way to go …...that shows the author's unbiased and firm stance on this whole issue!


In the 8th chapter the author throws light on the history of the bitter - sour relationship of US - India. From labelling as ‘Fearsome Hegemon’ (in the defence planning guide of the United States ) to ‘the most important for the US in the 21st century’ — India has come a long way, a miracle only happened in the last 10 years. The then ‘Leader Ji’ of independent India with colonial personality, if not mindset, repudiated Kennedy’s offer to help India with nuclear tests.


Nehru’s anti-Americanism was obvious because of his inclination towards the socialist USSR – exactly opposite to the capitalist US. Author goes on to delineate that on one hand the relations between America and India are getting better while on the other west led US is worried about the leadership of ‘Delhi’ growing rapidly. The west is essentially anti– India in nature and its one of the operating hand is George Soros — another giant threat to India’s unity.


The next three chapters deal with China, Pakistan and Japan respectively and their relations with India and how India should behave with foes and friends. Japan is emerging as a friend for sure, while the other nations are persistent threat factors to which India has learned to give answers in defensive and sometimes offensive ways under the leadership of the present Prime Minister.


“Author points out the predominant vital aspect affecting the democracy and diplomacy of India by highlighting the role of liberal media in defaming India. In this last chapter, the author takes a dig at several media companies of western world by bringing forward their aversion towards India and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. For instance, Kumar describes, the New York Times posted an online advertisement for the job at New Delhi, in which one of the requirements was to be critical of Narendra Modi and his nationalism”
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However, these left inclined US–led western media reports don’t believe in any sort of soul searching in the terms of crimes as they all are extremely busy in schooling India over caste - communal issues by forgetting their own horrible crime issues revolving around race, but Kumar sharply presents the facts pertaining to the murders on the basis of racial discrimination.


Author concludes this last chapter by giving several crucial verities which are followed by Notes and References. Utpal’s lens towards new Bharat is entirely unbiased as he constantly points out the need and expectation for betterment (by government) at several levels whether at societal, academic, demographic, legislative and international etc. Author fills the gap between several divergent issues with his brilliant writing and comparative analysis skills.


Bharat Rising works as a guide for those who support facts over propaganda, who want to know Bharat at ideological level and it will surely appeal to those who want the Bharat to rise more and more. This book is a sweet, sour, gentle and most essentially a factual reminder to all of us conveying the message that we are living in a better state with the rising of Bharat but still many miles to go!


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Janhavi Naik

Younginker

Final year student

Bachelor’s in Sociology

Gwalior, MP